Hypers in the History of the World by Carvalho Pinto

by brazboy   

Carvalho Pinto’s classic book investigates the history of macros and hypers by identifying the untold participation of oversized humans in world history. After more than 20 years studying the history and culture of hypers and macros, the author gifts the reader with a compilation of illustrative anecdotes mixed with statistical data and deep historical research, creating a compelling narrative summarizing hundreds of years of history and leaving the reader yearning to go do field work on the subject themselves.

“The cum goes farther than the cock”.—Mexican proverb.

“His penis was nested in the valley—it continuously dribbled juice, feeding the river which ended in a beautiful lake. On the shores of the lake lived many, who depended upon it for their livelihoods. His ejaculation rained on the cities sometimes twice, sometimes thrice a day. And yet not one of the villagers admitted to having ever seen a hyper in their lives”.—Pliny the even older.

I dedicate this book to my beloved husband, Jean-Piere Toussaint. Without his dedication to draining myself the draft versions of this book would have been lost to one of my uncontrollable orgasms.

Carvalho Pinto is a giant of the historiography of hypers and macros—not only physically, but also academically. His works have been foundational to the field and inspirational for generations of experts on oversized humans, including myself. The first and second editions to “Hypers in the History of the World” have long been an entryway for many of those interested in the study of larger bodies, both professional and amateur, and as such this new revised anniversary edition of this classic book can serve to initiate a new generation of scholars into the world of hyper and macro studies.

Carvalho Pinto’s work is deeply linked to his personal history: himself a macro, he faced discrimination in university as he was one of only five oversized students at UFRGS at the time. Having to sell his milk and cum to help complement his income, he quickly became aware of the importance of macros and hypers in our modern society, as well as the cover of invisibility placed onto them. Noticing a lack of studies which focused on macro and hyper history, Carvalho Pinto started dedicating himself to documenting the part played by hypers and macros during the Brazilian colonial era—the results of said research were later published in his first book, “Cock and Country—the contributions of oversized humans to the settlement and peopling of colonial Brazil”.

During his later career, Carvalho Pinto studied the contributions of oversized humans to countries other than Brazil. In 1964, after a violent military coup d’état in his home country, he was one of the many who fled Brazil and found refuge in European universities: first he stayed at the University of Lisbon where he founded the department of macro history; he then moved to the University of Cologne to teach Latin American colonial history, and while in Germany he wrote his famous thesis on the importance of hypercocks to the Berber trade routes across the Sahara, published in 1969 in the book “Sand and Seed—the artificial cum oasis and the trans-Saharan trade”. Finally, in 1971, he started working at the University of Sorbonne where he produced most of his works, including “Hypers in the History of the World”, first published in France in 1984.

After the end of the Brazilian military dictatorship in 1985, Carvalho Pinto returned to Brazil where he was elected to participate in the Constitutional Assembly in 1988. There he defended the rights of the oversized community, being one of the main defenders of the creation of SAOM—the branch of the heath system focused on assisting the safe realization and continuation of macro and hyper orgasms all throughout the country. He was elected to parliament in 1989 where he served two terms as a representative of his home state of Paraná.

This book, his magnus opus, has become in and of itself historic: it is now as much a part of the history of macro and hyper communities worldwide as it a retelling of its past. Nonetheless, even after almost four decades, it still offers the reader many insights on the general themes of macro and hyper history, especially to those interested in the regions of Western Europe, Africa and Latin America. Carvalho Pinto’s attention to detail and focus on primary research have kept his books relevant, even as the works of many of his contemporaries have lost most of their scientific significance.

“Hypers in the History of the World” is divided in five parts, each of which contains between three and eight chapters. The first section deals with hypers and macros in prehistory, while the following section covers their presence in the ancient Mediterranean world. Those two parts are probably the most innovative ones, as Carvalho Pinto had access to groundbreaking research at the time of writing the book, while he lectured at the University of Sorbonne. Many of the hypothesis proposed in this section, although now they seem mainstream, were extraordinarily bold in 1984.

In these first two sections the author investigates the key roles played by macro and hyper men in the ancient civilizations of Egypt, the near east, Greece and Rome. He brings evidence of the early use of the copious orgasms of hyper men to feed crops in the late bronze age fertile crescent, as well as the milking of macros in Egypt and Greece both for ritualistic purposes and in order to complement diet. The author also exposes the importance of macro muscle-worship in the early Roman religion, attributing it to Etruscan influences.

This was also the first instance in which the “desert-cum-oasis hypothesis” was extended before the early medieval era, as Carvalho Pinto showed that Egyptians during the old kingdom already used hypers to develop oasis in the desert which allowed them to master their environment—as long as they could procure enough water from the Nile to keep their hypers well hydrated. As such, Carvalho Pinto showed how key the control of water and therefore of hypers and their bodies was key to the establishment of the first organized states with centralized power in Egypt. Further research has extended the same logic to the Greek city-states, which were often founded around a “source of godly ambrosia”, the supply of which was tightly controlled by the landed elite—certainly a reference to the semen of hypers.

Relating to macros, the author also shows how ancient societies around the Mediterranean worshipped their overdeveloped muscles and their large sexual organs. In Greece and Rome aristocratic men fed their sons with male pec milk as a way to help them become more virile. Unlike drinking female milk, this is not habit aristocratic males were supposed to lose—Alexander the Great, for example, is said to have taken 7 macros with him to Persia, each of which had to be carried by three horses, so he could have a fresh supply of pec milk while in campaign. After taking Pasargadae he found the best and biggest macros of the Persian ruler, of which the Greek conqueror is said to have taken the three largest ones with him to India, while sending the rest of them back to Greece, to increase his collection.

The three middle sections of the book pertain to medieval Europe, medieval Africa and pre-Colombian Latin America. Here the author describes the importance of macros for the Arab expansion during the early medieval era, as well as the key role played by hypers in the consolidation of the Slavic states in eastern Europe. His most relevant contribution, however, was certainly the lengthy evidence-based description of the role played by hypers in native societies of the Americas. The flat tops of Peruvian and Mexican pyramids have long puzzled researchers, and Carvalho Pinto was the first to suggest that they served as bases atop which especially large hypers were placed, so that their cocks and balls could remain above the city level and, therefore, so that their cum would rain on all citizens, bringing wealth and prosperity. Using this insight, the author calculated the size of hypers of Teotihuacan—their cocks are estimated to have been well over 400m in length, which, given the average size of modern Mexican hypers at around a fourth of that size, seems reasonably plausible. Carvalho Pinto was also the first to point of how macros were the most important symbolic warriors in Mesoamerican civilizations, being put in the frontlines of battles so that their immense musculature would scary their enemies and please their Gods.

Macros were also the favorite victims of those civilizations’ human sacrifices—except that while for normal humans the heart and blood were the key ritual components, for macros the ritual centered around their semen (spilled during ejaculation) and balls. While a large part of this section focuses on Andean and Mesoamerican cultures, however, Carvalho Pinto didn’t forget his native Brazil. Using anthropological research and archeological evidence, he manages to reconstruct the less known but more common “lower” anthropophagy ritual of the tupi people—unlike the “higher” anthropophagy ritual which consisted on the consumption of human meat ritualistically, the “lower” ritual consisted on the repeated performance of oral sex and consumption of human semen, usually from a macro, although sometimes probably also from normal-sized powerful warriors. The central idea was, according to the author, that the consumption of the macro’s semen would feed the strength of the tupi warrior, and as such tupi warriors garnered more prestige depending on the number of macros they managed to “collect” and have as a part of their “herd”.

The three final sections are concerned not so much with geographical regions as with time periods. The first one discusses oversized humans and their roles in societies from the era of great navigations until the era of revolutions (the American and French revolutions being used as the points of rupture). The second of the last three sections covers the period between the French Revolution and World War I, and the last section covers the bulk of the 20th century, thanks to changes and additions made for the second edition (published in 1999).

Here, the author covers the importance of macros as a sort of fresh supplies during the era of great navigations, as well as the development of the cockrack—a three or four-mastered Iberian ship which was basically constructed around a hyper’s cock, providing the ship with endless nutrients as well as warmth and better navigability. Carvalho Pinto also shows the importance of hypers and macros in the colonization of the Americas—one of his topics of expertise. Of particular notice is his complete rejection of the theory which states that North America developed faster than Latin America due to the Puritan prohibition of sex between normal-sized and macro humans. Carvalho Pinto manages to show, with incredible detail, both that (1) the higher proportion of macros and hypers in Latin America helps explain the larger economic output of the region during the first three centuries of European settlement (mostly due to a better fed, more sexually satisfied work force, but also due to hypers’ contribution to fertilizing the land); and (2) that the lack of hypers and macros in New England simply led the locals to adventure further west to try to get relief with native macros—with which they traded weapons as gifts in exchange for sexual favors, which would in turn increase the mortality in wars between native peoples in North America. This interpretation not only debunks the hypothesis that macros and hypers were a detriment to Latin America but it also puts forth compelling evidence that the taste for macro milk and particularly the insatiable search of the British settlers to get filled by macro cock and to be able to fuck macro ass was one of the main drivers of the North American colonies’ expansion to the other side of the Appalachians.

In total, the author presents a vivid picture of the life and livelihoods of macros and hypers in different time periods and geographic regions, as well as being able to puzzle those particular scenes together in a grand historic narrative. It warrants warning, however, that just because this is historical book rich in citations and academic references it does not mean, as with most subjects pertaining to hypers and macros, that it presents a dry and dull reading. On the contrary, the reading of this publication might prove overly exciting to some, and it is recommended, therefore, that the reader is careful as to not let his natural imperatives in any way soil these pages—else, he might find himself forced to stop reading too soon, and as such lose access to some of this work’s most interesting parts.

This book is the result of more than 10 years dedicated to the study, compilation and systematization of the history of macros and hypers all over the world. It is, and I hope will remain, my most ambitious project. As it is published, I realize now more than ever that, even if I manage to hug my pecs, I cannot hope to contain here the whole of the history of oversized humans—this book will nonetheless offer many insights to the experts on the field, as well as an accessible entrance into the debate for those who have a less academic interest.

In laymen’s terms, cocks, balls and muscles are what differentiate macros and hypers from other members of the human species. That is not incorrect, as the muscular volume as well as the endowment in the sexual organs are the most impressive and visible characteristics of the members of those groups. In more academic terms, however, one would say that it is size that is the defining feature of macros and hypers—the former are usually 2 to 3 times the size of a regular human, while the latter term refers to those 5 or more times larger than a regular human. It is true, however, that both macros and hypers don’t respect human proportions—both macros and hypers have musculature and sexual organs which are oftentimes grossly disproportional to the size of the rest of their bodies. I myself, for example, am only 5.5 meters tall (about three times as tall as a normal male human), but my cock reaches 4 and a half meters in length when erect (which is well above 20 times the size of the average male). My muscles and balls, I dare say, are even more disproportionately large, and I am not an extreme example when talking about macros, let alone hypers.

More than enough has been said by biologists when describing macro and hyper anatomy—that their muscles can render them immobile, in some cases, and that large hypers cum constantly and in such copious amounts as to be able to change the microclimate of a region. That is not what I am concerned with in this book—here, macro and hyper biology only concerns me insofar as it has changed human history, either by design or by accident. That is, when it is used to and effectively shapes the societies in which macros and hypers have historically lived.

Take, for example, the everlasting and plentiful orgasms of the Berber hypers of Algeria. I am not concerned with the fact that their cocks are so enormous that they get in the way of the normal circulation of air in their surroundings, basically preventing sandstorms near Berber villages; or that their balls mediate the microclimate by making the nights warmer due to their sheer scale; or that their never-ending orgasms create permanent rivers and even lakes in the middle of the desert. What I am worried about is how those phenomena shape Berber society—how they have been used by them to better adapt to their environment, and how their society has shaped itself around, effectively, the cocks and semen of hypers.

Similarly, it is not so much the natural pleasure of fucking and being fucked by an immense muscle macro which I am thinking about when describing the rituals involving oversized humans along the Way of St. James during the Reconquista era. The pleasure associated with fucking and being fucked is a given of life, as is the appreciation of large muscle, and even the strong instinct of sucking a male pec when a large nipple is presented to oneself. On the contrary, what I am concerned with is why the Moors thought of sucking macros as the action to take before going to war, while Iberians would almost always prefer to fuck them in the ass. What is behind this preference for nipple or ass? One cannot take an ethnocentric approach and naturalize the European preference for ass without delegitimizing the natural Moor love of male milk, which might have had as strong an impact on their fighting capabilities as the testosterone rush brought by fucking a muscle-bound macro.

Those are, however, only small questions in the grand scheme of things. Macro and hyper history is a field made of many such questions, but also of broader and more general ones, which we intend to tackle on this book. Particularly, I seek to answer this: what are the major trends on the ways hypers and macros have been integrated in their societies over the course of the last 3 millennia? Have their size and endowments become more or less useful, more or less appreciated over time? Following Goulart (1979), we propose that macro and hyper bodies were both more relevant to earlier civilization as they represented both a larger source of wealth and a more significant drain on local resources in societies less capable to extract surplus wealth from the land. However, we also propose a version of Lavigne’s law, albeit with slight changes: we propose that while the relative importance of hypers and macros for the economy and for war decrease as societies become more complex, their symbolic importance increases. This is made evident by the archeological record, which shows a much greater emphasis on hypers and macro humans as societies became more agrarian and settled, and as macros and particularly hypers became perceived more as members of the community and less so as a force of nature.

This book will try to show this trend taking place over a long period of time. I want to present this publication as contribution to the field of macro and hyper studies, but it is not intended to settle any of the aforementioned debates—or others that will be touched during the next pages. On the contrary, like slow pounding during sex, our objective here is to increase the volume of the debate, not to finish it. In the words of macro Roman philosopher Praegrandis, “everything takes the shape of life, and life takes the shape of sex. Life is living, not dying. Sex is pounding, not coming”—and I might add, researching is opening questions, not closing them.

I was first contacted about the possibility of making a revised second edition of my “Hypers in the History of the World” in 1993, one year before the book’s initial publication celebrated 10 years. That idea floated around as we were about to organize the first Macro and Hyper Congress of Latin America, in 1993, and then again when we hosted the third Macro and Hyper Congress of the World in São Paulo in 1997. However, it was only after Gabriel William Jacobs contacted me with new information on hypers and macros in early medieval Europe that I thought I absolutely needed to make adjustments to the book if I wished it to remain relevant as the new century approached.

Since then, political changes also have made me rethink the relevance of this book—particularly the title, my “Hypers in the History of the World”, which erases the presence of macros, which I have fought so hard to make more visible to the world, even in my life outside of the academy. Nonetheless, friends and colleagues have convinced me that a second edition was warranted, and after the recommendation of many I also decided to keep the title as it was originally, adding only a subtitle which explains in more detail the aims of this scholarly work.

Macros and hypers have always been a sensitive topic—in a society that thinks sexuality is taboo, we force the hidden to become public due to our sheer size. Fortunately, or not, macros and hypers cannot be hidden in the present—our bodies force others to see us, even when we are not acknowledged; it also forces us to recognize ourselves in ways that gay people, for example, didn’t necessarily have to. Because of that fundamental visibility, sex and masturbation—things that should be private—become public due to the demands of necessity, and then they are turned useful simply because at that scale not doing so would be a drain on the available natural resources on a national and even global level.

However, there is one realm in which macros and hypers can be ignored and even erased—history. For millennia humans have written down things about themselves, relevant things and irrelevant things. However, the author’s hand holding the pen was always felt—he (and it was usually a he) would write of what he knew and what he didn’t know, but, above all, he’d write about what was comfortable to him. Dicks measured in dozens of meters and muscles which were so developed as to immobilize a man, during most of the world’s history, were topics which did not make most men comfortable. It made them feel hot inside, it made them hard, it made them feel good, yes—but not comfortable.

Even as society worshipped the muscles of macros, even as it drank the semen of hypers and used it to fertilize the land, it still would ignore them in the official records. If it were not for the statues, for the drawings on the walls of the temples, and for the archeological evidence, one might have imagined that hypers and macros suddenly appeared in our world around the time of the French Revolution, and then quickly spread all throughout this planet. Macro writers were few and far between; hyper scholars, on the other hand, can almost be counted in the fingers of one hand.

That is, nonetheless, not what happened—and the work of a historian is to rediscover what really happened and retell it to the world, so we can recover our memory. And so we looked for the hidden evidences—some lost in museums and libraries, some ignored or only alluded to by other scholars -, and we found plenty: reports of macro’s pec milk being used in coronation ceremonies in India all the way up to the 13th century; bountiful evidence of macro-fucking as a key rite of passage for young Germanic warriors around the time of the fall of the western Roman Empire; material proof of the purposeful milking of the cocks of hypers in places as diverse as Peru, Egypt, Australia and Russia, and many others. Those examples are just the tip of the cock—or the iceberg—of what we found.

Nowadays, we have plenty of evidence to conjecture, for example, that the myth of Jonah and the hypercock is based on a real profession that existed in early bronze age societies of the eastern Mediterranean where hypers were used as sources of cum which could serve both as nutrition to the people of the communities but also to the plants they were growing—and we now know it is very likely members of these communities not only penetrated those cocks for fun and relaxation, but that some might have even used the largest of them as warm shelter during winters, or even taken long term residency inside them. It even seems possible that some hypers formed long term relations with one or a few young males which would help them find food, keep their body clean and also sexually satisfied—similar to the minder-hyper relation we see nowadays in western societies. In some places, like Carthage, all evidence points to those tight knit groups which took care of a hyper being considered a family-like structure.

Despite all which we have already achieved, however, there are still many mysteries left in our field of study: how did ancient peoples move hypers, given their immense weight? Even today moving a hyper is no small feat, and yet some societies seem to have moved them several times within a lifetime, and over several many kilometers at once. Also, one must ask oneself why did the cultures west of the Pinto- Einarsson line consider fucking a macro in the ass as masculine, while societies east of the line considered both being fucked and fucking a macro as being actions associated with masculinity? Another important unanswered provocation has to do with the Perez rule, which states that societies see hypers as more valuable than macros in a reverse relation to the importance of agriculture in their economy. Is it still valid for most cultures of the world, even after taking into consideration the most recent historical findings?

These and many other questions are what make the field of macro and hyper studies so interesting. As one of my former PHD students said when we went to do field research in France, “cocks and orgasms are not the only endless things when it comes to hypers—so is the study of our contributions to human history”. As more scholars dedicate themselves to the field of macro and hyper history, and as more material is found and collected all throughout the world, we will be able not only to answer some of these questions, but also raise new doubts.

When I first published this book, in 1984, I was a relatively young 45-year-old professor at a prestigious European university. Now, I am 70, close to retirement, and relatively far from the main academic centers of hyper and macro research in Europe and the US. Nonetheless this book, I believe, still has its merits. If I decided to write a theoretical treaty most certainly it would have become a piece of history by now, but my efforts to cement everything on actual historical evidence and solid research have paid off and kept the book relevant even 35 years after its initial publication.

Never before have macro and hyper people been as visible as nowadays. We turn on the TV and see advertisement for tit-suckers; some of the world’s biggest YouTubers in terms of views are also the largest in terms of physical size. Both Brazil and Mexico have macro presidents and the UK just elected its first hyper Prime-Minister. Even in academy you can now often find macros walking in the hallways, hypers sitting in the lectures or being drained outside between classes. Back in my days, such things were unimaginable even to the most optimistic of us.

The world has surely changed. And yet, the matter of invisibility is still relevant. History still overlooks the past of hyper and macro people.

Recently, just last year, I went to China for a conference on the history of the exploitation of macros during the neocolonial regimes. The Chinese were very well aware of the torture their macros faced under Japanese rule: underfeeding, overmilking, being beaten and tortured, tied for extended periods of time so they couldn’t take care of their cocks and so on. And yet, not a single one of them could tell me what the “pillars of heavenly delight” put around the main square of the Forbidden City in Beijing in the 13th century were for. They simply didn’t realize that macros were already a part of Chinese society, even the circles of power, from times immemorial, and that the pillars of delight were basically stone dildos for them to fuck themselves while moaning very loudly during imperial ceremonies, which served to increase the prestige of the ruling Emperor. Similar structures can be found in royal palaces all over east Asia, and the part of macros in legitimizing power and helping cement the image of a strong and good leadership is well-documented—and yet, even local scholars were unaware of the usage of these structures; that is, it was still invisible to them.

This issue is not, however, unique to Asia—how long did it take for British scholars to accept that the original function of the Stonehenge was to allow the pleasuring local hypers, who’d use the stone gates to masturbate themselves? And, although there were plenty of indications of that historical use, the first description of that crucial element to the history of Stonehenge came from a foreign— Romanian—scholar, and not from the local British experts. This comes to show how, in macro and hyper studies, sometimes the obvious is staring us at the face and yet we ignore it because of our own prejudices. Just like a hypercock, reality goes deeper than we expect, but it can also sometimes be fairly obvious.

Therefore, our work is not done. I have been travelling around the world during the last 20 years not only to publicize hyper and macro studies, but also to get funds to start a new foundation which aims to fund research on traditional uses of hyper and macro bodies in societies of Latin America and Africa, which unfortunately have not been as well researched as Asian and European traditions. One particularly interesting branch of study is the usage of local plants to maximize pleasure during fucking, cum production and muscle growth in the Amazon River basin. Thanks to an interdisciplinary team comprised of biologists, doctors, anthropologists and historians we have elements to believe that several native peoples have long used a mix of hypercum, macromilk and local plants to create powerful elixirs which allowed amazing muscular and genital development even amongst normal-sized humans.

All the proceedings of this new third edition of this book will go to this new foundation, which would not be possible without the help of our partners such as Dong Huang, Tyodor Zakharov and Armaan Laghari. Thanks to their combined efforts our foundation has already financed more than 20 academic researches and 50 scholarships throughout the world, almost a third of which were granted to either macro or hyper scholars.

If I may be so greedy, I also hope that a new generation of readers will bring enthusiasm not only to the academic study of hypers and macros, but also to contemporary appreciation of oversized bodies. Our bodies are, after all, what we are—from head to toe, from the cockhead to the ass. Making hyper and macro bodies more visible is an exercise of justice, but it is also a deliverance of both oversized and normal-sized humans: by overcoming these taboos, we allow the natural pleasures to flow, and give our youth a change to enjoy themselves in a more vibrant and delicious reality. As much as hypers and macros need this to be able to better free and enjoy their own bodies, so do normal-sized humans gain from a freer and more hands-on appreciation of oversized bodies. As the old saying goes, “one dick rubs the other”, even if they are of vastly different sizes.

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